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Archaic Greek Funerary Monuments: Roots in Syro-Hittite Traditions?
Sanna Aro

This paper presents an overview of a seldom asked question: From where did Archaic Greeks got the idea to set up relief and/or inscribed stelai and (inscribed) statues as funerary monuments? A survey of common handbooks and other reference works shows that this issue is rarely dealt with, giving mostly the impression that the Greek tradition is indigenous without any stimulus or influence from neighbouring cultures. In his study "Das syro-hethitische Grabdenkmal" (2000), Dominik Bonatz has put together the evidence of the sculpted funerary monuments in southern Anatolia and northern Syria. This collection of material—especially if completed with some inscribed stelai and additional pieces from central Anatolia—invites us to compare the Greek funerary stones and sculpture with those of Iron Age Luwian and Aramaic counterparts. There seems to be obvious similarities between the Greek and Syro-Hittite customs but several problems remain to be discussed.

The Poet's Point of View and the Prehistory of the Iliad
Mary Bachvarova

It has long been acknowledged that the Iliad draws on the plot of Gilgamesh for the story of Achilles and Patrocles. However, the theme of the destruction of a city is also a traditional one, and the roles of Paris and Hector may be understood as variations on a traditional character type. I will looks at the varying ways a ruler's role in the destruction of his city is explained in the Sumerian and Akkadian stories concerning Naram-Sin, the grandson of the Akkadian conqueror Sargon the great, and in the Hurro-Hittite Song of Release, and compare these texts to passages in the Iliad that seem to be responding to and playing with the tradition that is revealed in the earlier works.

My approach is shaped by scholarship concerning the South Asian epic, the Ramayana, the plot and point of which has been shown to vary according to the ethnicity and social role of the teller. Similarly, in the Sumerian Curse of Agade, Naram-Sin is portrayed as sacrilegious and hubristic, while the later Akkadian Cuthean Legend of Naram-Sin rehabilitates the king. The Hurro-Hittite Song of Release lays the blame for the destruction of Ebla not on the king, but on the council member Meki, who persuades the Eblaite assembly to make a wrong decision, insulting the god Tessub. The text, surely sponsored by the Hittite king, may be read as a warning to the Hittite notables not to disagree with their king.

The Song of Release allows us to place the traditional motif of the destruction of a city in the Hurro-Hittite sphere along with other key themes which appear in Greek hexametric narrative poetry, such as cosmogonic myth and the fantastic wanderings of Odysseus, for this text belongs to the same genre as Kumarbi and the Hurro-Hittite Gilgamesh. The fact that themes from three different Hurro-Hittite songs match up with the themes of three different hexametric songs supports the possibility of transmission of a strain of the Near Eastern tradition closely related to the Hurro-Hittite tradition to the ancestors of Hesiod and Homer. Homer's sympathy with the enemy can be explained as the result of combining a Trojan version of the story with a Greek one, indicating that the Mediterranean epic tradition was not only transmitted to Greek-speakers but also was maintained among Anatolians, and "Homer", as a Greek-speaking Anatolian was aware of both traditions.

We speak hittite - we speak Egyptian! Linguistic Contact Between the Nile Valley and Anatolia in the Second Millennium B.C.
Francis Breyer

Hittite-egyptian relations seem to have been limited to few rather spectacular political events like the battle of Qadesh of the treaty between Ramesses and Hattusili. Thus so far, no attention has been given to contacts between the languages of the two dominating powers in Late Bronze Age Syria. My paper - which presents one part of my doctoral thesis "Aegypten und Anatolien" aims to give some idea of how intense these contacts must have been. They begin at the time of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, even before the Kanesh-tablets give us the first glimpses on anatolian languages. On the basis of systematic research, no less than 40 hitite loanwords in hieroglyphic texts mainly from the New Kingdom could be idetifies. Another aspect is the reevaluation of the "Dahamunzu-episode" from the linguistical point of view: which egyptian name does cuneiform "Nibhuhuria" stand for and why can we be sure of this identification? Questions, that do not only concern egyptological aspects like the vocalization of Egyptian, but may solve more crucial problems such as the synchronization of Egyptian and Anatolian chronology.

Homer at the Interface
Trevor Bryce

The Iliad ranks as our primary source of information on the Trojan War, which according to tradition was sparked off by the abduction of Helen and culminated in the sack of Troy. In fact our knowledge of the tradition owes much less to Homer than it does to other sources. The paper will deal with Homer’s highly selective treatment of the tradition, and look at possible reasons for his selectivity. Consideration will be given to the poet’s cultural background and that of the audiences before whom the Iliad was first recited. This will be discussed within the context of the ethno-cultural environment in which Homer lived, at the interface of the Near Eastern and Greek worlds, and the blend of eastern and western influences likely to have impacted on this environment. These influences played an important role, I believe, in shaping the theme and content of the Iliad. Given the nature of the Iliad and its likely origins, there is the further question of how it came to achieve its unrivalled Panhellenic status. Consideration will also be given, at the far end of the east-west continuum, to the question of how the heroic ideology of Homeric epic was adapted and moulded to provide a vehicle for Augustan propaganda at the beginning of the Roman imperial era, most notably in Virgil’s Aeneid.

The Hurrian Hedammu Myth: An Examination of KBo 12.80+
Dennis Campbell

The religion of the Hurrians had a tremendous impact upon the ancient Near East. This impact is most noticeable in the texts from the Hittite capital of Hattusa. Even before the start of the New Kingdom, there is an evident change in Hittite religion as they adopted (and at times took wholesale) elements from the Hurrian religious tradition. Along with changes in ritual, there is a movement away from “traditional” Anatolian myths to new Hurrian ones. These myths are preserved almost entirely through Hittite language translations of Hurrian originals. Other than the well-preserved Hurrian-Hittite Bilingual, the “Song of Release,” (and accompanying parables), only fragments of Hurrian versions are preserved within the text corpus from Boghazköy (Hatttusa).

Hurrian mythology is best represented by the so-called Kumarbi Cycle. It is comprised of a series of myths relating Kumarbi’s various attempts to regain sovereignty over the gods by overthrowing Teshub. Unfortunately only a small number of Hurrian language versions of the myths are known. One is a fragment of the Ullikummi myth, and another is a fragment of the so-called “Song of the Sea.” KBo 12.80 + KUB 45.62 has been seen as belonging to the Hedammu myth. No thorough treatment has been given for this fragment. A grammatical study of this fragment will aid in correctly situating this myth in its appropriate place within the cycle. At this time a study of the relationship between the Hurrian language versions of these myths and their Hittite translations is also due. The Hittite and Hurrian languages were considerably different from one another and it is worthwhile to look for evidence of the Hurrian precursors in the grammar and syntax of the Hittite translations.

Troy as a "Contested Periphery": Archaeological Perspectives on Cross-Cultural and Cross-Disciplinary Interactions Concerning Bronze Age Anatolia
Eric Cline

During the Late Bronze Age, it will be argued, Troy was a "contested periphery" located between the Mycenaeans to the west and the Hittites to the east. There is both direct and indirect evidence that each group regarded the Troad as lying on the periphery of their own territory and attempted to claim it for themselves. Whereas the Hittite king Tudhaliya II sent troops to quell the Assuwan rebellion in the late 15th century and later Hittite kings left their mark as well, Ahhiyawan warriors apparently also fought in this region upon occasion during the 15th through 13th centuries BCE. The city of Troy itself, and surrounding communities such as Besiktepe, were likely to have been home, or at least played host, to a variety of people of different cultures and ethnicities during the Late Bronze Age, whether permanent inhabitants, traveling merchants, or warriors. The archaeological remains should reflect this diversity to a certain extent, as indeed they do in some cases (see the various finds in the Besiktepe cemetery, for example). Early excavators, such as Heinrich Schliemann with his hordes of workmen, will not have been nuanced enough in their approach to have necessarily discerned such diversity. However, the actual practice of doing archaeology in Anatolia has changed dramatically over the past century, in part because of the new questions being asked, in part because of the increasingly multi-disciplinary nature of the new projects, and in part because of the new approaches being undertaken. The recent efforts of Manfred Korfmann, with his multi-disciplinary team of scientists and scholars, have sent us in new and interesting directions since the late 1980s. Thus, Troy may be used as a specific case study not only of a "contested periphery" in Anatolia during the Late Bronze Age, but also of how archaeology has been conducted and how it has changed in Anatolia over the course of the past century and more. Yet, there still remains much work to be done and much benefit to be derived from additional cross-disciplinary efforts between archaeologists, historians, linguists, anthropologists, and other scholars in the future.

The Socio-political Role of Feasting in Palatial Societies: Hatti, Emar, and the Mycenean World
Yoram Cohen and Assaf Yasur-Landau

Recent studies in the anthropology and sociology of Feasting had a profound influence on the current archaeological theory, defining the social and political role of food in ancient societies. Along with these studies, progress was made in our understanding of the function of feasting in the Myceanaean palatial society. Palaima, Killen, and Wright, for example, employed textual and archaeological evidence to reconstruct administrative mechanisms handling food products, while Carter suggested connections between Aegean feasting and the Canaanite marzeah. Hittite and Emar feasting invite likewise a comparison to the Aegean world. Our paper will seek to compare and contrast the socio-political role of feasting in the palatial societies of Hattusas, Emar, Pylos, and Thebes, taking into consideration the recent theoretical discussions. The great variability of types of feasts will be examined, as we present their aims, size, participants and their occasion in their social context. Specifically, we will examine religious feasts in Hittite festivals and Mycenaean sacrificial feasts (such as described in Un 718: "The Feast to Poseidon") and Feasts of Investiture, as in Emar (Emar 369: "The Investiture of the Ba'al Priestess") and in Pylos (Un 2: "The Initiation of the Wanax").

The Child and the Foreign God: A Note on a Silver Hittite Figurine from Cyprus
Massimo Cultraro

The aim of this paper focuses on a silver Hittite figurine recently found in a tomb of Late Bronze Age cemetery at Kalavassos-Ayios Dhimitrios in Cyprus. The figure represents the well-documented Hittite type of “Gott der Wildefur” that is scarcely attested in areas out of Anatolia. The silver amulet was found in tomb 12 and it could be dated to the second half of thirteenth-century BC, according to a LH IIIB Mycenaean shallow bowl probably imported. It is a tomb related to a child of 5-6 year old and the rich burial offerings suggest to attribute the tomb to a individual of high rank. Another significant aspect qualifying the status of the dead is a set of bone astragali (“knuckle-bones”), that we find in Cyprus in LBA and, in many cases, they were connected to sanctuaries or religious places. The re-assessment of the evidence shows the closest connection between specific children, probably connected to the activity of Cypriot sanctuaries, and the use of knuckle-bones that are commonly interpreted as tools for divination. The paper will investigate the relationship between the use of bone astragali, related to specific rituals, and the precious amulet of a Hittite divinity; both categories of findings provide to reconstruct a complex ritual that probably was of Anatolian origin.

Patterns of Elite Interaction in 8th/7th-Century Anatolia: The Case of the Animal Head Vessels
Susanne Ebbinghaus

Two of the most elaborate animal head vessels of the Late Assyrian period were excavated in the so-called Midas Mound Tumulus at Gordion: a ram head and a lion-head situla. Further to the west, a calf head situla and a double lion-head beaker have come to light in the sanctuary of Hera on the island of Samos. The wide diffusion of this type of vessel in the realm of the Late Assyrian empire—including North Syria, Urartu and western Iran—has recently been demonstrated.

This paper takes the evidence from Gordion and Samos as a starting point to investigate the history of the animal head vessel in the west. On a more general level, it considers the occurrence of traits of what may be termed a Near Eastern koine among the native populations of Anatolia and the Greeks of Asia Minor. To what degree did Anatolia function as an intermediary in the transmission of such traits to the Greeks? What does the local use and even imitation of animal head vessels and other paraphernalia tell us about the nature of the exchanges that promoted their wide distribution? For example, did the vessels travel on their own or as a package with specific customs of ritual banqueting? By looking at a group of artifacts in their archaeological context I wish to show that beyond merely serving as indicators of exchange, they can also provide important evidence of the intensity and intellectual dimensions of the interaction of Phrygians, Greeks and their neighbors in east and west in the 8th/7th centuries BCE

Lydia, Assyria and the Asiatic Kithara
John Franklin

The idea of Lydia as principal agent for the Greek importation of orientalia has been eclipsed by evidence for Greco-Phoenician maritime routes. Yet the unique contribution of Lydia is now undervalued. Though outside the Mesopotamian sphere in the early Iron Age, abundant literary and archaeological evidence attests a diffusion jump of Assyrian influence from the early seventh century when Gyges revamped the royal court. This paper examines the musical dimension of this phenomenon, during the Lydian gold rush when all the intellectuals of Greece came to Sardis (Herodotus), including Terpander, Alcman, Sappho, Alcaeus, Hipponax, and Magnes (who may have linked Lydia to Mesopotamia via the poetic genealogy of Belus and Ninus). If Greek poets provided a chief stimulus, Sardis seems to have offered an opportunity, unique in the Aegean, to hear Mesopotamian classical music. Pindar recalls the invention of the barbitos, Which once upon a time, it seems, the Lesbian Terpander / First devised, at Lydian banquets hearing the / Octave-sounding strum of the high-pitched pêktis. The pêktis was a type of harp, and though no representations are known from Lydia, Greek depictions of this instrument clearly resemble Mesopotamian models, which appear in suggestive contexts in Neo-Assyrian reliefs. The Nineveh military processions recall Herodotus description of Alyattes army marching against Miletus to the accompaniment of panpipes, harps, and bass and treble pipes (the Phoenicians and Greeks only used lyres). Banquet scenes feature small ensembles like that implied by Pindar, the harps having the low register which defined the barbitos. The latter is found only in the Greek symposium which, despite Phoenicianizing elements, becomes pan-Hellenic only at the Neo-Assyrian acme. (In a pavement inscription Ashurbanipal proclaims that the princes of the four regions of the world … I caused to sit down at a banquet, and instituted a feast of music). The Mermnads influenced Greek tyrants like Polycrates in the adoption of the orientalizing symposium. This illuminates Pindar's further claim that Terpander invented skolia, or sympotic drinking songs. The symposium was also a chief stage for lyric poetry, including hymns to the gods (also invented by Terpander) and erotic songs (cf. Sappho, Ibycus, and Anacreon). These are the two genres for which lyre tunings are specifically attested in cuneiform sources. Such songs echo in the Asiatic kithara, so called because of its use by the Lesbians, whose homes face towards Asia. And others say that it was so-called from Tyrrhenus the Lydian, the inventor of the triangular harp. Still others say it was called Asiatic because of Terpander (Duris). The label Asiatic must reflect the ancient designation of Lydia as Assuwa, and distinguishes the instrument from the round-bottomed Homeric lyre which in the later seventh century was yielding to the square-based, classical kithara (invented by Kepion, a student of Terpander). In fact the Neo-Assyrian lyre provides a close parallel for the Greek kithara, being both symmetrical and square-bottomed, as opposed to the assymmetrical West Semitic kinnôr. Thus much of what later Greeks believed to be Lydian or Asian musical innovation was actually due to an Assyrianizing fashion actively cultivated by the Mermnad tyrants.

A Griffin Cauldron and its Relations
Jasper Gaunt

The manufacture in Greece of bronze vessels in which wine and water could be mixed at a symposium or drinking party begins afresh in earnest during the so-called Orientalising period. In seventh and sixth century Greece, one of the commonest as well as most prestigious creations was the griffin cauldron, a large more or less hemispherical bowl to which griffin protomes were attached in sets of varying numbers. The earliest griffins are hammered while the later are cast. The distribution of these vessels in antiquity was unprecedented: to Asia Minor and Cyprus in the East, the Black Sea to the North, and Westwards to Italy, and thence to France, even Sweden. Within Greek lands, huge concentrations have been found in sanctuaries sacred to Zeus (at Olympia) and his wife Hera (on Samos). Contemporary literary accounts reveal something of the social contexts in which these moved. They are associated with royal or at least elite levels of society, and enter the discourse as political gifts, dedications, heirlooms, and prizes won at games: in other words, portable wealth that could be enjoyed in times of prosperity, but under adverse conditions be hurriedly removed or converted into a ransom or even bullion. Later copies in marble and in terracotta attest to their abiding influence over many generations.

This paper surveys the various types of bronze cauldrons made during the orientalising period, assessing them both in terms of subject matter (and typology) and of style. Besides griffins, bulls are especially common as cauldron attachments; why these subjects, and what do these choices reveal about their makers and patrons? Careful scrutiny of these objects and, where known, their find-spots and contexts, allow conjectures to be made about where they may have been manufactured, along with the dates of production. Since the pioneering work of Ulf Jantzen and H-V.Herrmann, the material basis for argument has grown considerably, and several new-comers can be welcomed, amongst them two griffin protomes in the Carlos Museum and a magnificent cauldron and stand in a private collection. An attempt is made to trace the strands of influence that in the main flow from East to West but that seem occasionally to move in the other direction. Some modalities for this are explored.

The griffin cauldrons therefore can be seen as paradigms for the diffusion of material property and cultural ideas among the ruling and literate classes in the Mediterranean basin; and thence to those only more remotely involved with the engines of progress.

Hittite Ethnicity? – Constructions of Identity in Hittite Literature
Amir Gilan

Notions and expressions of ethnicity in the ancient world have been a frequent topic of study in recent years. This work provides a useful basis for a discussion of ethnic identity in second millennium Anatolia. Based on a definition of ethnicity (with Jonathan M. Hall) as “socially constructed and subjectively perceived,” my paper will investigate the role of (mostly Old Hittite) literature in constructing Hittite origins and identity, examine different discursive strategies employed in the texts and discuss the usefulness of the term ethnicity to evaluate this evidence.

A Revision of the Northwest Semitic Background of Greek Cosmo-theogonic Traditions
Carolina López-Ruiz

When analyzing Greek cosmogonies/theogonies, mainly that of Hesiod, sholars have usually focused their attention in the parallels with the Hurrian-Hittite myths and in the Sumero-Akkadian cosmogonic poems.
The ongoing discovery of new texts from Ugarit in northern Syria, however, has led to a new appreciation of the work of 1st-2nd century AD Phoenician writer Philo of Byblos and the sources for his Phoenician History. Especially significant is the correspondence of the first five/six entries of the Ugaritic deity lists and the first levels of the succession according to Philo's History.

The fact that such a cosmo-theogonic tradition has been transmitted (surely repeatedly re-elaborated) in the Levant throughout the centuries makes it much easier to envision versions of this tradition reaching the Greeks at any point from the Late Bronze Age to the Archaic Age This makes worth reconsidering the place of Greek cosmogonies in relation to these NWS traditions.

At the same time, strong parallels between Hesiod, the Hurro-Hittite tradition, and this Phoenician theogony collected by Philo (such as the castration motif) can be now better understood as reflecting such a North-West Semitic link.

Furthermore, the cosmo-theogonic tradition would seem to be a particularly sensitive witness of the oriental waves of influence in Greek thought and religion. The Derveni papyrus and other testimonies of what we call “Orphic” traditions present a unique mélange of Hurro-Hittite, Canaanite-Phoenician elements, with assimilated Egyptian and Mesopotamian influences. The provenance of many of these traditions reinforce the importance of the area of Syria-Cilicia and its particular hybrid culture in the elaboration of many of these motifs in their way to the Greeks. The expanding evidence of uninterrupted contacts from Bronze to Iron Age between Greeks and Levantines, particularly from North Siria-Palestine and often with the bridging Aegean islands as scenario, provides the appropriate frame for these connections.

Despite the scarce sources for Iron Age Syrio-Phoenician literary traditions, the sources we do have at hand, from Late Bronze Age (Ugaritic) to Hellenistic times (Bible, Philo of Byblos, some other Greek cosmogonies) witness a rich and complex Levantine (mostly popular and oral) pool of mythic traditions that could explain a lot of what has traditionally been viewed as direct Hittite, Egyptian or Mesopotamian separate influences.

Hittite hatugatar and Cross-Cultural Interaction
Carol Justus

Since watar with oblique -n-stem case endings (wetenas, weteni, wetenit) convinced scholars that Hittite was an Indo-European language, the abstract ending -atar with similar -n-stem oblique case endings has become a part of the debate concerning the archaic and innovating character of Hittite. Both Kammenhuber (1954-1956) and Zeilfelder (2001) found that derived -atar abstracts are often innovating in Hittite despite their similarity to the old inherited watar-type heteroclitics. Data from the files of the Hethitisches Wörterbuch (second edition) on the family of hatuk- ‘be terrible, frightful’ now suggests that hatugatar ‘terrible-ness, frightful-ness’ is a New Hittite innovation.

Categorically, the -atar of hatug-atar is comparable to the English suffix -ness (terrible-ness, absurd-ness’) that is freely added to any adjective by contrast with semantically similar -ity (‘absurd-ity’, no *terribl-ity, *frightful-ity), which Quirk et al. (1985: 1551) classify as a “neo-classical” suffix or a suffix “of French origin.”

Many uses of hatugatar come from Luwian and Hurrian ritual layers. Has -atar become the productive suffix at multilingual Hattusa much as English -ness now has? When we find palh-isti - beside palh-atar, both meaning ‘width’, is -atar the innovating form? If so, does language contact at multilingual Hattusa play a role in the distribution of this derivational suffix?

Kammenhuber, Annelies. 1954-1956. Studien zum hethitischen Infinitivsystem. MIO 2:44-77; 345-265; 403-444; MIO 3:31-57; 345-377; MIO 4:40-80.
Qurk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, & Jan Svartvik. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. Index by David Crystal. NY: Longman.
Zeilfelder, Susanne. 2001. Archaismus und Ausgliederung. Studien zur Sprachlichen Stellung des Hethitischen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Possessive Constructions in Anatolian, Hurrian, and Urartean as Evidence for Language Contact
Silvia Luraghi

Adnominal possession in Anatolian displays some peculiar features. In the Luwian languages the genitive case was replaced to varying extents by "genitival adjectives" (Hajnal, 2000). In Cuneiform Luwian, where substitution is complete, it already occurs in the most ancient written sources, and must date back to pre-literary times. Hittite displays case attraction (also called partitive apposition), especially in cases of inalienable possession. Case attraction, which started in Middle Hittite replacing an older construction involving possessive clitics, consists in a nominal modifier that takes the same case as the head noun (i.e., it is treated as an adjective), rather than be inflected in the genitive. Stefanini (1969) suggested that substitution of adnominal genitives by adjectives in Luwian owes to the influence of a Hurrian construction, suffix copying (Wilhelm, 1995), in which the case suffix of the head noun is copied after the genitive suffix on the modifier. Luwian reproduced the Hurrian construction using Indo-European means already existing in Anatolian. Influence from Hurrian has also been advocated to explain the introduction of case attraction in Hittite in Luraghi (1993). In this case, too, Hittite over-extended an Indo-European construction under the influence of a non-Indo-European one. It is remarkable that Armenian also displays case attraction. According to Vogt (1936) case attraction in Armenian was brough about by contact with Georgian, a language which also has suffix copying. I would like to further explore the hypothesis of language contact, in the light of our knowledge of contacts among peoples in Anatolia. Tentatively, early appearence of genitival adjectives in Luwian can be explained by early bilingualism in the area of Kizzuwatna, while later appearance of case attraction in Hittite may show that contacts with the Hurrian during the Old Kingdom mostly remained limited to military conquest, while later they increasingly extended to the cultural and linguistic levels. The introduction of case attraction in Armenian may be dated back at least to contacts with the Urarteans.

Hajnal, I. 2000. "Der adjektivische Genitivausdruck der luwischen Sprachen", Ch. Zinko & M. Offisch, Hrsg., 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz. Graz, 2000, 159-184.
Luraghi, S. 1993. "La modificazione nominale nelle lingue anatoliche", AGI 78/2, 144-166. Stefanini, R. 1969. "Il genitivo aggettivale nelle lingue anatoliche", Athenaeum 47, 290-302.
Vogt, H. 1932. "Les groupes nominaux en arménien et géorgien anciens", NTS 5, 57-81.
Wilhelm, G. 1995. "Suffixaufnahme in Hurrian and Urartean", F. Plank, Double Case. Oxford, OUP, 113-135.

An Historical and Archaeological Contextualization of the Mycenaean Presence, Role, and Interaction in Asia Minor in the 14th-12th centuries BC
Christofilis Maggidis

The expansion of the Mycenaean world (“koine”,) which emerged from the military conquest of Minoan Crete and its trade network in the eastern Mediterranean (ca. 1400/1375 BC), culminated in the 13th century BC through trade and constant warfare abroad and at home, and metastasized into eastward migration waves during the period of decline, decentralization, fragmentation and disintegration of the Mycenaean world (ca. 1175-1050 BC). The Mycenaean expansionism effectively transformed international dynamics and political geography, causing conflicts of interest and, consequently, considerable tension between “Ahhiyawa” (~land of the Achai(w)oi/Achaeans?) and the Hittite empire in Asia Minor; in the long run, however, it resulted in population transfusion and amalgamation, cross-cultural interaction, and multivariate syncretism in ancient Anatolia. The spatial distribution of the Mycenaean presence in Anatolia suggests that despite successful infiltration in southwestern Asia Minor, the northwestern region remained largely beyond their reach or did not attract their full attention until mid-13th century BC, when access to an alternative trade route to the Euxine, allegedly controlled by Wilusa/Wilusiya (~Wilios/Ilion?) and/or Taruwisa/Tru[w]isa (~Troia/Troy?), may have stimulated Mycenaean interest in the area; gradual familiarization with these foreign lands eventually paved the road for Greek colonization in the following centuries.

The Mycenaean presence in Asia Minor is well-documented on archaeological and contemporary textual evidence (Hittite and Linear B tablets); on the contrary, Hittite or Anatolian echoes on mainland Greece, whether imports, local imitations, or foreign influences, have not been fully recognized and evaluated. Does the evidence bear out our assumptions? In recent years, the archaeological research has made significant discoveries on mainland Greece (Mycenae, Tiryns, Thebes, Pylos, and Glas) and Asia Minor (Troy and Miletus~Millawanda), and considerable theory revisions (e.g., on the LH IIIB2/C destruction horizons and their causes). The careful correlation and synchronization of the geographical distribution and temporal development of the Mycenaean expansion in Asia Minor with the historical developments at home, raises and addresses intriguing questions: to what extent did Mycenaean fortifications borrow from Hittite military architecture? Were the Mycenaean fortifications and their successive expansions (1375/1350 BC; 1250 BC; 1200 BC) designed to face merely local threats or were they possibly associated with the military operations at Miletus and the Anatolian front as well? How did internal wars (LH IIIB2 destruction of Thebes, Orchomenos, and Glas) and the destruction horizons of 1240 BC and 1200 BC at Mycenae, Tiryns, and Pylos affect foreign trade and military operations abroad (e.g. second fall of Miletus, ca. 1240 BC)? Could Mycenae (~Mukanai) have sustained concurrently two military fronts, against the Boeotians and the Hittites? Was the Mycenaean doctrine “natural disaster-vacuum of power-invasion” which was first successfully tested against Minoan Crete in the wake of the devastating earthquake of 1450 BC, applied again in the case of Troy VIh/VIIa? The present paper attempts to conglomerate a tentative historical framework based on comparative examination, reconciliation and synthesis of the latest archaeological, iconographical, and textual evidence from both sides of the Aegean, in order to contextualize the Mycenaean expansion and interpret its dimensions, aims, and effects.

Hittite Lesbos?
Hugh Mason

la-az-pa, marked as a place in two Hittite documents (KUB 5.6: ii, 57, 60; CTH 191), is equated with Lesbos by Hittite scholars, who conclude that the island was under Hittite control around 1300. Few classicists have considered the implications of a Hittite-ruled Lesbos. Material evidence is inconclusive; Lesbian ceramic traditions find their closest affinities in (Northwest) Anatolia, but no distinctively Hittite artifacts have been identified on the island. Names support the hypothesis of a Hittite (or Luwian) Lesbos. Phonetically Lazpa is matched by the Hittite city Gazpa; semantically, it combines the place-name suffix -pa with laz-, the root of lazzi- which means “auspicious, desirable,” as does Himerte, an alternative name of the island recorded by Pliny HN 5.139. Mytilene recalls the royal and divine name Muwatalli, derived from muwa, “might.”

“Hittite” Lazpa is labeled as both KUR “land” and URU “city,” as is typical of realms in cuneiform documents, but inappropriate to 1st-millennium Greek Lesbos, which had neither a unified government not or a city called Lesbos. But the Iliad described a Lesbos in the same way as our Hittite texts, “well-built” (euktimene) like a city (9. 129), but the “seat” of a single king called Makar (24.544). It would be instructive to look on the island for Late Bronze Age remains that resemble an Anatolian fortified palace.

Diodorus Siculus (5.81.4) made Makar a Greek from Peloponnesos, but also ascribed to him (5.82.3) a law-code called “Lion.” Kings as authors of written law-codes are more typical of the Hittites than Bronze Age Greeks, and a law-code named “of the Lion,” would memorialize Muwawalwi, “might of a lion,” founder of the Seha dynasty that governed Lazpa for the Hittites around 1300. Makar makes sense in Greek (“blessed”), but the island name Makaria (Makar’s land) corresponds to Hittite makarwanda, “ region of makar” (RGTC 6: 255). Unfortunately, the stem makari occurs in only in one text (CTH 677), so its meaning is unclear; the hypothesis of a Hittite Lesbos would be strengthened if makar proved to be a local Lesbian product.

Our Hittite texts deal with the “God of Lesbos” and with Royal temple-servants located on the island. It would be useful to look for Hittite connections in Lesbian cult; I propose to investigate Artemis, honored at the prehistoric site of Thermi and Apollo, one of whose titles, Maloeis, malowent, “rich in apples” has a distinctively Anatolian form.

Greek mólybdos as a Loanword from Lydian
H. Craig Melchert

Robert Beekes (1999) has shown that the earliest form of the Greek word for "lead" is /moliwdos/, attested in Mycenaean mo-ri-wo-do. He argues cogently that the word is a loanword in Greek, most likely from Asia Minor, since, as per Buchholz (1972: 48), northwestern Asia Minor is the likely source of the metal for Greece. Beekes cites in passing the Lydian word marivda- after Furnée but can make nothing further of it. But as suggested by Melchert (2002: 9), Lydian marivda- is cognate with Luvian marwaiya- "dark, black", a most apt source for a name for lead. Although the details of Melchert's formal derivation need revision, the specifically Lydian sound change of *y > d allows us to show that the Greek word is borrowed from Lydian. If we accept the arguments of van den Hout (2003: 303ff) that the Lydian sound change is already reflected in Middle Hittite texts, then there is no problem in dating the borrowing to the period before 1450 as suggested by Beekes. This borrowing from Lydian to Greek may thus be added to the dossier of evidence for Anatolian-Greek interaction in the middle of the second millennium.

Beekes, Robert. 1999. The Greek word for "lead". MSS 59.7-14.
Buchholz, Hans-Günther. 1972. Das Blei in der mykenischen Kultur und in der bronzezeitlichen Metallurgie. Jahrbuch d. Deutschen Archäol. Instituts. 87.1-59.
van den Hout, Theo. 2003. Maeonien und Maddunna__a: zur Frühgeschichte des Lydischen. In: M. Giorgieri et al. (ed.), Licia e lidia prima dell'ellenizzazione, 301-310. Rome: CNR.
Melchert, Craig. 2002. The God Sanda in Lycia? In: P. Taracha (ed.), Silva Anatolica. Festschrift for Maciej Popko, 241-251. Warsaw: Agade.

Setting up the Deity of the Night Separately
Jared Miller

For several reasons, a study of the “Deity of the Night” (DINGIR GE6) witnessed in the cuneiform texts from the capital of the Hittite Empire, Hattusa, has the potential to yield significant results for the purposes of the present conference. First, in a passage unique to the literature of the ancient Near East, this deity is requested by her priest to split her divinity and to take up residence in a newly constructed temple as well as in the old. This cult expansion can be dated to the reign of a specific Hittite monarch, Tudhaliya I, and is known to have duplicated the cult existent in Kizzuwatna (Cilicia) to the Hittite center of Samuha. Second, while she is generally held to be a hypostasis of Ishtar, there is much to suggest that the Deity of the Night also retained facets which can hardly be reconciled with such a view, such as a seeming association with the moon-god and an infernal aspect. Third, while the evidence is less robust than one might wish, a diachronic development in the character and cult of the Deity of the Night can be traced from the time she was adopted from Kizzuwatna until the end of the Hittite Empire nearly two hundred years later.

Kybele as Kubaba in a Lydo-Phrygian Context
Mark Munn

The Phrygian Mother is an Anatolian puzzle. She is the knot that joins Kybele, the Phrygian Mother of the Gods of Greco-Roman sources, to Kubaba, the divine Queen of Carchemish of Bronze and Early Iron Age cuneiform and hieroglyphic sources. Laroche's landmark study of 1960 argued that the former was the direct descendent of the latter, even though the development of her name, Kubaba > ? > Kybele, could not be readily explained. Since then this link has been questioned. Brixhe's work (1979) on Old Phrygian clarified the earliest form of the name of Kybele as the adjective, kubeleya, modifying matar. Taking his lead from the Greek epithet, oreia, Brixhe suggested that matar kubeleya was Phrygian for "Mountain Mother," and therefore that kubeleya (also attested as kubileya) came from a Phrygian word for "mountain." The corollary of this argument was its most significant outcome: the name of Kybele could have nothing to do with Kubaba. Most recently, Roller's study of the Phrygian Mother (1999) has reinforced this conclusion by emphasizing the iconographic distinctions between the archaic images of the Phrygian Mother and Syro-Anatolian Kubaba.

It is time to unravel the knot and show that the thread from Kubaba does, in fact, lead to Kybele. The clue to this tangle is the recognition that the monuments to the Phrygian Mother all belong after the rise of the Mermnad Lydians, when Kubaba was a sovereign deity at Sardis, known to Greeks as Kybebe (Herodotus 5.102.1; Charon of Lampsacus FGrHist 262 F 5; Kuvav- in Lydian).

Lydian, like Carian, and Lycian, forms adjectives by the suffix, -(e/a)li-. So from the name of Artemis (Lydian Artimus, Lycian Ertemi) come Lydian Artimalis, Lycian Erttimeli, meaning "The One of Artemis". A similar formation from Kubebe, *Kubeb(e)li-, with the addition of the Phrygian adjectival suffix, -eya, gives *Kubeb(e)leya, "The person/place of Kybebe". Contracting this, and simplifying the cluster -bl- (not attested in Old Phrygian) to -ll-, yields *Kubelleya. Kybeleia is attested in Hecataeus of Miletus (FGrHist 1 F 230) as the name of an Ionian polis (i.e., a "place of Kybebe"). The descriptive placename Kybeleia could become nominalized as the deity Kybele in Greek, just as basileia ("kingly person/place") became nominalized as the deity Basile.

The corollary of this argument is its most significant outcome. The Phrygian Matar Kubeleya received her name from the Luwian family of Anatolian languages, the ancient home of Kubaba's cult. During the period when the monuments to the Phrygian Mother were being created, Kubaba' most important home was at Sardis, in Lydia, where Greek sources say she was called Kybebe "by the Lydians and Phrygians" (Charon). The "places of Kybebe" known in Phrygian as kubeleya were the natural or man-made cult places of this goddess who had become an expression of Lydian sovereignty.

Multiculturalism in the Mycenean World
Stavroula Nikoloudis

Archaeological and inscriptional evidence indicates that Mycenaean Greek society consisted of ethnically diverse population groups. Ethnicity, taken as a social construct, is a fluid concept, exhibiting varying degrees (e.g., local, supra-local) and numerous characteristics (e.g., language, religion, homeland) [Hall 2002, Dougherty & Kurke 2003]. Davis and Bennet (1999) emphasize the ability of the Mycenaean palatial system to absorb ethnically distinct populations. The Linear B tablets (c. 1400-1200 BCE) offer evidence of this cultural diversity both in the non-Greek form of many personal names (e.g. KN As1516) and in the ethnic designation of individuals and groups: e.g. the 'Lacedaimonian' (TH Fq 229), the ‘Cypriot' and the 'Lemnian' (PY Cn livestock inventories),   the men classified by ethnics in the coastguard contingents (PY o-ka set), and the dependent women-workers, possibly acquired as war captives, with ethnics linking them to the eastern Aegean: Miletians, Khians, Lemnians (PY A series). Noteworthy is the variety exhibited in: 1) the degree of ethnic/cultural differentiation (e.g. locals, nearby mainlanders, overseas Anatolians), 2) the level of independence from the Palace, and 3) the service(s) provided (e.g. as textile-workers, rowers, soldiers, agricultural labourers, craftspeople).

Interaction between Mycenaeans and Hittites is suggested by the evidence in Anatolia: beyond the striking (yet potentially coincidental) similarities between the ‘lion-gates' of the two cultures (at Mycenae and Bogazkoy) and the contacts attested in the Hittite archives between Hittite and Greek leaders, the Tawagalawas Letter mentions the transplantation of Hittite subjects to Ahhiyawa (KUB XIV 3). This alludes to the recruitment of labour through the forced resettlement of conquered peoples - a common occurrence in Anatolia. The 'settlers' recorded on the Mycenaean tablet PY An 610, at the Greek mainland site of Pylos, may reflect a similar practice.

The Linear B tablets feature many contextual associations between such 'outsiders' and the Mycenaean ra-wa-ke-ta, the official traditionally interpreted as the supreme military commander of the state (and whose title's first element has often been associated with the Hittite word 'lahha'). I argue that the ra-wa-ke-ta played a key role, through such avenues as military service and agricultural labour, in mediating the incorporation of outsiders into the Mycenaean community.

Focusing on the Mycenaean textual evidence and complementing it with relevant Anatolian data, this paper explores the local and supra-local dimensions of Mycenaean society, illustrating that it was vibrantly multicultural and actively engaged in trade and other contacts with its Aegean and Anatolian neighbors.

Writing Systems and Identity
Annick Payne

This paper will explore the question of why the Hittites despite their cuneiform tradition adopted a second writing system. Particularly puzzling is the fact that the hieroglyphic script is neither more practical nor better suited to recording an Indo-European language. Could the script have been the symbol of a new, collective identity within a multi-ethnic society? Comparisons with other ancient and modern scripts shall be drawn to establish the relationship between writing systems and identity.

Cult and Cultural Contact
Doris Prechel

Im Sonderforschungsbereich "Kulturelle Kontakte" der Universitaet Mainz untersucht das hethitologische Projekt Feste und Rituale unter dem Gesichtspunkt von Veraenderungen, die auf interkulturelle Kontakte zurückzuführen sind. Dabei steht die Frage im Vordergrund, inwieweit den magisch-religioesen Quellen ein ideologischer Wandel des hethitischen Koenigtums durch den Kontakt zu anderen politischen Großmaechten der Zeit zu entnehmen ist. Im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchungen stehen im besonderen die Texte, die eindruecklich den Koenig als Ritualherren benennen bzw. unter Beteiligung des Koenigs ausgefuehrt werden. Sowohl im Hinblick auf den rein strukturellen Aufbau eines Rituals wie auch in bezug auf das Auftreten neuer Goetter oder neuer Riten erscheint mittelhethitische Zeit von besonderer Relevanz. Die Tatsache, dass es sehr viele junge Abschriften aelterer Texte gibt, verlangt darüberhinaus eine Verortung zwischen Tradition und Innovation.

Rulers, Raiders and Tributaries across the Western Anatolian Interface
Itamar Singer

The nearly century old research into Hittite-Mycenaean relations in Western Anatolia has reached a stage in which the basic parameters of the problem are either generally agreed upon or have entered into a stalemate. In order to provide some more accurate and refined answers one needs either fresh evidence from excavations, or a wide spectrum of interdisciplinary studies which may reveal yet unexplored facets in the existing sources.

The background for the clash of interests between Hatti and Ahhiyawa has been explained in numerous political and economic ways, including the defence of the strategic land routes penetrating into the Hittite heartland, control over the maritime passage to the Black Sea, exploitation of metal sources and markets, domination over the main harbors operating the lucrative Aegean trade, recruitment of skilled labor force, etc. (not to mention the beauty of Helen...).

A previously unrecognized economic aspect of the strife in Western Anatolia will be presented, based on an interdisciplinary study of written sources and archaeological evidence.

On the Origin of the Royal Title tabarna / labarna
Oguz Soysal

The origin of the word tabarna / labarna, used by the Hittites as both masculine royal title and proper name, has always been controversial. The question of whether it originally belonged to Hattian culture and was later adopted by the Hittites, or, whether it represents a genuine Indo-European word still generates discussion. Both possibilities have strong advocates among Hittitologists.

In my paper I will focus primarily on the formation of the word tabarna within the Hattian language, since H.-S. Schuster brought a new idea about the interpretation of the tabarna. According to his suggestion, tabarna includes the Hattian nominal stem par (< waar) for “thousand,” which is recently revealed from the bilingual text KBo 37.1. The word can be analyzed now as ta–bar–n–a with the nominal prefix ta– and the affixes –n–a, from these –n is taken by Schuster as the genitive marker. Thus, he interprets the title tabarna as “the (lord) of the thousand”. The same formation pattern is observed further with the feminine royal title tawananna, the feminine counterpart of the masculine tabarna, as it is to be seen as ta–wana–n–a with identical morphemes as above, but including the nominal stem *wana of unknown meaning. In favor of this assumption one can mention the other Hattian word taparwaashap (= ta–par–waashap) “the thousand gods”.

The second point to be discussed in my paper is the relation between the words tabarna and labarna. While tabarna occurs widely in Hattian, Hittite, Hurrian and Akkadian texts of the Hittite archives, labarna seems exclusively to be peculiar to the Hittite written documents. It was thought that the Hattian has a special consonantal voice *t/l that is rendered by the Hittite also as a simple l as we have it with labarna instead of tabarna. This initial phonetic interchange, however, never occurs with the word tawananna although it has exactly the same formation pattern as tabarna. Moreover, the studies in Hattischer Wortschatz in hethitischer Textüberlieferung (Brill, 2004) have shown, that there is no good evidence for a voice *t/l in Hattian, which we possibly could detect in a phonetic interchange t ~ l; neither within the Hattian lexicon, nor among the Hattian loanwords in Hittite has such a phonetic feature been discovered yet with certainty. For example, the relation between DHalipinu (a Hattian god; = Ha–l(i)–pinu) and DHatipinu (a Hattian goddess; = ha–t(i)–pinu), also between URUHalinzuwa (a Hattian town; = Ha–l(i)–nzuwa) and URUHatinzuwa (a Hattian town; = ha–t(i)–nzuwa), cannot be explained with a simple interchange of t ~ l, but rather with the morphological fact, namely the different sex of the bearer of the names, as the case of DHalipinu (with nominal marker -l- for masculine) and DHatipinu (with nominal marker -t- for feminine) shows this clearly . As a tentative solution of the problem on title tabarna / labarna, I will proposer that the form labarna is a pure Hittite product which eliminates the initial t- and replaces it with l- in order to clear the royal title of an apparent “feminine” character. It should be a result of the patriarchal dominated Hittite culture.

The GALA and the Gallos
Patrick Taylor

This paper presents a variety of evidence supporting an etymological connection betweeen the Sumerian word GALA, borrowed into Akkadian as kalû, and the Greek word gallos (Latin gallus). W. Burkert (Homo Necans, Berlin, 1972, p. 271), following several scholars before him, has suggested a historical relationship between the Mesopotamian GALA/kalû, the cultic singer of lamentations in the "female" dialect of Sumerian, and the Hellenistic gallos, the wailing emasculated devotee of Kybele. Both are associated with bull sacrifices and bull-hide drums, and both display various transgendered characteristics.

Evidence for a historical continuity of tradition between the institutions of the GALA/kalû and the gallos, beyond a mere typological similarity, would strengthen the case for Burkert's etymological connection between the two. Four poems in the Greek Anthology offer evidence of such continuity, in the form of a narrative about a gallos, perhaps a myth of cultic significance. This narrative presents striking similarities to a traditional anecdote about the GALA preserved in the Sumerian proverb collections.

The local cults of Anatolia offer a likely route of transmission for the name and institution of the GALA/kalû to the Hellenistic world. Clement of Alexandria and Firmicus Maternus transmit the symbola of the mysteries of the Mother Goddess and Attis, phrases mentioning the distribution of cultic beverages in cymbals. Many scholars have remarked upon a similar procedure, drinking from a huhupal-instrument, found in the Hittite ritual for the Men of Lallupiya (CTH 771). In addition to this distinctive detail linking the Men of Lallupiya to the galloi, CTH 771 also offers other evidence for the existence of cultic personnel similar to the Mesopotamian GALA/kalû in 2nd millennium Anatolia. Among the men of Lallupiya we find the Anatolian "missing link" in the transmission of the Near Eastern institution of transgendered cultic singers, who appear centuries later as the galloi, devotees of the Anatolian mother goddess Kybele.

Midas In Southeastern Anatolia
Maya Vassileva

This paper focuses on king Mita of the Mushki (Midas of the Phrygians) and his political and cultural involvement in Que (Cilicia) and Tuwanuwa (Atuna, Tyana) in the late 8th century BC. Mita organised and participated in several anti-Assyrian coalitions together with some of the Tabalian and Neo-Hittite kingdoms. The Near Eastern texts and reliefs that reveal his relations with the kings of Tabal and Carchemish are discussed from a historical and cultural point of view.

It has been suggested that Kurti (actually Kurtis) might be Gordias from the Greek legend. Both the linguistic and historical data are insufficient for the support of such a view. However, the proposed considerations can be evaluated in a more general context: the linguistic data could possibly point to Anatolian traits, that had been transformed by Greek literature. It has also been suggested that king Midas' ass' ears reflect an Anatolian survival in view with the new reading of the Luwian hieroglyphic text on the seal and the inscriptions of king Tarkasnawa (the image of a donkey participates in the royal name). More evidence to this effect is presented. Again, however, it seems safer to regard these data against a general cultural background. The same is valid for another hypothesis on the possible meaning of the name Mita, derived from Anatolian linguistics and ritual.

The Phrygian inscriptions from Tyana (Atuna, Tuwanuwa) are reconsidered in the light of the above political and cultural situation in southeastern Anatolia. Although the suggestion is very tempting, they can hardly be historical inscriptions after the model of the statements of the Near Eastern rulers. Archaeological data are brought up in order to discuss the nature of the Phrygian presence (or influence) in Cilicia (Que) and Tyana (the tumuli near Kaynaca and Bayindir). An interaction with the Neo-Hittite world could be demonstrated in the sphere of cult and religion. The discussed pieces of evidence suggest the role of Phrygia as a melting pot and an itermediary between East and West: between the Neo-Hittite and the Greek world.

Hermit Crabs, or New Wine in Old Bottles. Anatolian-Hellenic Connections
from Homer and Before to Antiochus I and After
Calvert Watkins

I. Some new facts and comparanda.
1. Starke's reanalysis of AU Bo 1485 (CTH 183) and its implications.
2. "tomb and stele": Lycian funerary architecture and Homeric formula.
3. More on "stelae": Hittite NA4 ZI.KIN, huwasi, Syrian NA4 sik(k)a:nu,
Hier. Luvian tasa(n)-za, Lydian tasen, Palaic tas-ura, Lycian kumeziye ththe.
4. Anatolian Greek hierothesion and so:matos thesis.
5. Some precisions on the etymology of Greek theos.
II. Brief survey of these for the methodology involved: where to look and what to look for.

Luwian Migration in Light of Linguistic Contacts
Ilya Yakubovitch

There are two different views on the ethnic movements of the Luwians in the third and second millennia BC. According to the first one, the local Luwian Urheimat is to be sought in Western Anatolia, in the area occupied by the kingdom of Arzawa in mid-second millennium BC, and by Lydia in the first half of the first millennium BC. For the scholars that share these basic assumptions (notably Trevor Bryce, "History," The Luwians, ed. C. Melchert, Brill, 2003) the subsequent Luwian migrations to central Anatolia and northern Syria logically continue the pattern of Anatolian ethnic movements from the Balkans southeastwards.

An alternative theory implies that the Luwians were likely to be close neighbors of the Hittites in central Anatolia in the early Second millennium BC. The extensive Luwian conquests both in the west and southeast of Anatolia are likely to be connected with the drastic increase in bronze production brought about by Assyrian importation of tin to Central Anatolia. This theory allows for an assumption that Lydian, an Anatolian language attested in Western Anatolia in the first millennium BC, had been already spoken in the same area a millennium earlier. The Luwian presence in the Arzawa lands, and other parts of Western Anatolia, such as the Troad, can be best explained as a superstrate phenomenon (thus e.g., O. Carruba, Λυδικη` αρχαιολογία, Licia e Lidia prima dell'ellenizzzione, Rome: Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche, 2003).

In my presentation, I am planning to touch upon important historical and philological considerations that tip stakes in favor of the second viewpoint. I am going to concentrate, however, on the arguments following from the analysis of linguistic contacts between Luwian and other languages of the area. Thus, contrary to the assumption that Luwians and Myceneans were close neighbors in western Anatolia, most of the Luwian borrowings into Greek seem to be connected with the trade-driven cultural interaction in the eastern Mediterranean in the early first millennium BC, rather that with the Greek movement to the Aegean a millennium earlier. For example, Greeks did not borrow the Luwian word for king, *hantawati-, albeit it is attested in Greek transmission as the name of a semi-legendary Lydian king Κανδαύλης. They, however, borrowed the Luwian word for "ruler, judge," Luw. tarwana/i- < Gk. τύραννος, a concept that gained prominence in the eastern Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age. On the other hand, the names of the Bronze Age Luwian rulers of Arzawa seem to exhibit Old Assyrian influence. The syntactic heads of Anza-pa-haddu, lit. "protect our health" (?), the name of an Arzawan prince in the 14th century BC, or Mana-pa-Tarhunta, lit. "Tarhunt, protect the mana" (?), the vassal king of the Seha River Land, are likely to contain imperatives of the Luwian verb pā- "*to protect" (less likely pāi- "to give"). The personal names containing finite verbal forms are alien to the Indo-European tradition and do not seem to occur in Hittite, but were quite common in Akkadian. Furthermore, the Akkadian imperative usur protect!, the functional equivalent of Luw. *pa, occurs specifically in Old Assyrian names from Kültepe (Kanesh), e.g. Usur-Anum "Anu, protect (me)" or Usur-a-Assur "protect (one) of Assur." These and other facts to be discussed in my presentation vindicate the suggested scenario of the Bronze Age Luwian migrations originating in central Anatolia.